{"id":59034,"date":"2022-08-13T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2022-08-13T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/2022\/08\/13\/turkeys-engagement-with-afghanistan-has-grown-since-taliban-takeover\/"},"modified":"2022-08-13T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2022-08-13T00:00:00","slug":"turkeys-engagement-with-afghanistan-has-grown-since-taliban-takeover","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/2022\/08\/13\/turkeys-engagement-with-afghanistan-has-grown-since-taliban-takeover\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkey&#8217;s Engagement with Afghanistan Has Grown Since Taliban Takeover"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>While many countries cut diplomatic ties with Afghanistan after the Taliban&#39;s return to power last year, Turkey, the only NATO member with a diplomatic presence in the war-torn country, has been active on many fronts.<\/p>\n<p>Recently, the second phase of the Kajaki hydroelectric dam in Helmand province was completed by the Turkish company 77 Construction, which has invested $160 million in the project.<\/p>\n<p>Several senior Taliban officials attended the opening ceremonies for the dam, including Abdul Ghani Baradar and Abdul Salam Hanafi, acting deputy prime ministers of the Taliban government. Turkey&#39;s ambassador in Kabul, Cihad Erginay, also was present.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;Although the Kajaki dam is an important investment in economic relations between our country and Afghanistan, our relations are more diverse and deeper,&rdquo; Erginay said during the ceremony, adding that total trade volume between the countries increased 23% in the first six months of 2022.<\/p>\n<p>&#39;Positive legacy&#39;<\/p>\n<p>Some experts think that Turkey&rsquo;s engagement with Afghanistan derives from the countries&#39; shared diplomatic legacy, which dates back to modern Turkey&rsquo;s founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Afghanistan&rsquo;s modernist king Amanullah Khan in the 1920s.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;That positive legacy has throughout all these years never been interrupted,&rdquo; Alper Coskun, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told VOA.<\/p>\n<p>From 2001 until the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, Turkey had taken part in NATO-led forces in Afghanistan.<\/p>\n<p>&quot;Turkey took a very deliberate position in ensuring that Turkish forces were not involved in [active warfare or lethal force] against the Afghan population in any way whatsoever,&rdquo; Coskun said. &ldquo;That, I believe, is something that the current regime in Afghanistan, the Taliban, are also cognizant of.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>Turkey withdrew its troops from Afghanistan before the Taliban&rsquo;s August 2021 deadline for foreign forces to leave the country.<\/p>\n<p>Kabul airport<\/p>\n<p>According to Turkey&#39;s Defense Ministry, one of the Turkish soldiers&#39; final assignments in Afghanistan was to provide &ldquo;operational and force protection services&quot; in Kabul at what was then known as the Hamid Karzai International Airport, since renamed the Kabul Airport.<\/p>\n<p>Senior Turkish authorities have repeatedly shown interest in running the airport.<\/p>\n<p>Last August, U.S. State Department spokesperson Ned Price said that &ldquo;a secure, operational airport we feel is integral to our ability to have a functioning diplomatic presence on the ground. So, the safety, the security, the continuing operation of that airport &mdash; it is of high importance to us.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;We are grateful that our Turkish partners have indicated a willingness to play a role in protecting that,&rdquo; Price added.<\/p>\n<p>Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said during a NATO summit in Madrid in June that Turkey had offered to operate the airport with Qatar and the United Arab Emirates but was awaiting the group&rsquo;s response.<\/p>\n<p>On July 7, however, Reuters quoted sources familiar with the negotiations saying the Taliban was close to handing all airport operations to the United Arab Emirates.<\/p>\n<p>Some experts say Turkey&#39;s proposal was significant even though the bid fell through.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;It&rsquo;s no small matter that Turkey was one of just a few countries in a position to be negotiating an accord to provide security at the Kabul Airport,&rdquo; said Michael Kugelman, the deputy director of the Asia Program at the Wilson Center.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;That accord didn&rsquo;t work out, but the fact that Turkey was even involved was significant, especially as the Taliban have made clear that they won&rsquo;t allow any foreign security presence on their soil,&quot; he told VOA.<\/p>\n<p>Recognition<\/p>\n<p>Turkey has not formally recognized the Taliban, and Kugelman thinks that Turkey does not want to be the first to do so, considering &ldquo;some reputational costs.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, Turkey hosted Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban&rsquo;s acting foreign minister, for high-level talks in October and the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, organized by the Turkish Foreign Ministry, in March.<\/p>\n<p>On the sidelines of the forum, Thomas West, U.S. special representative for Afghanistan, met Muttaqi and Qatar&rsquo;s Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani to talk about Washington&rsquo;s Afghanistan policy.<\/p>\n<p>West on Twitter thanked Turkey for hosting the event and said that &ldquo;I look forward to discussions with important partners regarding international engagement with Afghanistan.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said after his meeting with Muttaqi, &quot;We have told the international community about the importance of engagement with the Taliban administration. In fact, recognition and engagement are two different things.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>Turkey has advised the Taliban to form an inclusive government and ensure girls&#39; education under its rule. Ankara has also repeatedly talked about the importance of stability in Afghanistan to prevent additional refugee flow into Turkey.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;Our country, which is currently hosting around 5 million foreigners &mdash; 3.6 million of whom have come from Syria &mdash; cannot shoulder a new migration burden originating from Afghanistan,&quot; Erdogan said at the G-20 meeting on Afghanistan in October.<\/p>\n<p>According to figures from Turkey&rsquo;s Presidency of Migration Management, Turkish authorities arrested around 70,000 irregular Afghan migrants in 2021.<\/p>\n<p>Humanitarian aid<\/p>\n<p>Speaking at the 15th annual summit of the Economic Cooperation Organization in November, Erdogan also said that the Afghan economy should be revitalized to prevent a refugee crisis, adding that Turkey supports &ldquo;efforts aimed at keeping basic state structures, including critical sectors such as health care and education, functioning.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>Since the Taliban&rsquo;s return to power a year ago, Turkey&rsquo;s state-run Disaster and Emergency Management Authority has sent five charity trains with 5,570 tons of humanitarian aid to the war-torn country. The Turkish Red Crescent, which has been operating in Afghanistan, has delivered aid assistance to people affected by the 6.1 magnitude earthquake on June 22.<\/p>\n<p>Active in Afghanistan since 2005 and with offices in Kabul, Herat and Mazar-e-Sharif, Turkey&rsquo;s state-run Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency has recently delivered 2,000 aid kits to help malnourished Afghan children.<\/p>\n<p>Turkey also exerts soft power in Afghanistan via the Yunus Emre Institute, a cultural center owned by the Turkish government; Diyanet, the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs; and at least 46 Afghan-Turk Maarif Schools in seven provinces.<\/p>\n<p>Twelve of these schools had been owned by the Gulen movement, a group Turkey blames for a failed coup attempt in 2016, but the Afghan government transferred the schools to the Turkish government&rsquo;s Maarif Foundation in 2018.<\/p>\n<p>Azarakhsh Hafizi, former head of the international relations committee at Afghanistan&#39;s Chamber of Commerce and Industries, calls the Turkey-run schools &ldquo;near to international standards,&rdquo; adding, &quot;The youth of Afghanistan need these services.&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>Some analysts say, however, that one of the reasons Ankara has active public diplomacy in Afghanistan is because it wants to boost its domestic popularity.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;Ankara likes to see itself as a world player, and so having its foundations and education apparatuses participating in Afghanistan is a good &#8230; domestic political checkmark to show that it has an active foreign policy,&rdquo; said Aaron Stein, director of research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute.<\/p>\n<p>But Stein thinks Ankara&rsquo;s Afghanistan policy does not resonate with the Turkish public.<\/p>\n<p>&ldquo;They care about the cost of living rather than foreign policy in that sense,&quot; he told VOA. &quot;They are a lot like everybody else around the world, like, &lsquo;Our cost of living is skyrocketing. Take care of that. We don&#39;t care about what&#39;s going on in Afghanistan.&rsquo;&rdquo;<\/p>\n<p>By: Ezel Sahinkaya \/ VOA<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>While many countries cut diplomatic ties with Afghanistan after the Taliban&#8217;s return to power last year, Turkey, the only NATO member with a diplomatic presence in the war-torn country, has been active on many fronts.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":59582,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[414],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-59034","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-our-news-en"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/59034","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=59034"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/59034\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/59582"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=59034"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=59034"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iumsonline.cloud\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=59034"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}